French President Emmanuel Macron announced on July 24 that his country would formally recognize the State of Palestine at the U.N. General Assembly’s meeting in September. While 147 of the 193 U.N. member states previously recognized a Palestinian state, France represents the first major Western power to do so.
Five days later, British Prime Minister Keir Starmer announced plans to follow suit in September. The following day, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney made a similar announcement. Unlike Macron, however, the two prime ministers each attached specific provisos to their plan to recognize Palestine.
Starmer stated that Britain would proceed with recognition during the General Assembly meeting “unless the Israeli government takes substantive steps to end the appalling situation in Gaza, agree to a ceasefire, and commit to a long-term, sustainable peace, reviving the prospect of a two-state solution.” He added that “this includes allowing the U.N. to restart the supply of aid, and making clear there will be no annexations in the West Bank.”
Unlike Macron, Starmer also had a message for “the terrorists of Hamas,” saying that “they must immediately release all the hostages, sign up to a ceasefire, disarm and accept that they will play no part in the government of Gaza.” He promised to “make an assessment in September on how far the parties have met these steps.”
Like Starmer, Carney made it clear that Canada could no longer tolerate “the ongoing failure by the Israeli government to prevent the rapidly deteriorating humanitarian disaster in Gaza, with impeded access to food and other essential humanitarian supplies.” In addition to reiterating that “Hamas must immediately release all hostages taken in the horrific terrorist attack of Oct. 7; that Hamas must disarm; and that Hamas must play no role in the future governance of Palestine,” Carney also focused on the role of the Palestinian Authority. Canada’s intention to recognize a Palestinian state, he stated, “is predicated on the Palestinian Authority’s commitment to much-needed reforms … to hold general elections in 2026 in which Hamas can play no part, and to demilitarize the Palestinian state.” And Carney, like Starmer, emphasized Canada’s full support for “Israel’s existence as an independent state.”
The same day Starmer issued his statement, Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) won the support of 27 Democratic senators, among them previous staunch supporters of Israel, for a resolution to block the shipment of assault rifles to the Jewish State. In addition, 24 Democrats supported a second Sanders resolution to block the sale of offensive weapons to Jerusalem. Although both resolutions went down to defeat, they reflected growing American unease with the Israeli operation.
While Carney and Starmer attached conditions to recognition — that Hamas disarm and not play any part in Gaza’s future — Hamas political bureau member Ghazi Hamad conveniently overlooked both demands. In an interview on Aug. 2, he crowed that the brutal Oct. 7 attacks had “yielded … very important historic achievements,” notably to have prompted three major countries to recognize a Palestinian state. He also emphasized that “we as Palestinians will not surrender our weapons … not even a blank round.”
Starmer and Carney were not alone in demanding that Hamas disarm. In a major political shift, the Arab League, meeting the same day as Starmer’s announcement and the Senate vote, not only unanimously called for a two-state solution but also demanded that the terrorist organization relinquish its weapons to the Palestinian Authority. A senior Middle Eastern diplomat indicated to me that if Netanyahu were to accept the two-state solution in principle — even with many stipulated conditions for Palestine to obtain Israeli recognition — that would suffice to win Arab support, undermine Hamas’s political momentum and increase international pressure on the group.
In addition to international condemnation, domestic Israeli opinion has increasingly supported a deal that would release the hostages, both living and dead, in exchange for Israeli withdrawal from the Strip, whether or not Hamas disarms. Indeed, on August 1, approximately 600 former senior military, intelligence and police officers — including former Mossad chief Tamir Pardo, former Shin Bet chief Ami Ayalon, former deputy Israeli army chief Matan Vilnai and former police chief Assaf Hefetz — sent President Trump a remarkable letter calling upon him to pressure Netanyahu to end the Gaza operation and asserting that “it is our professional judgement that Hamas no longer poses a strategic threat to Israel.”
At a meeting of senior officials that Netanyahu convened to consider the full occupation of Gaza, Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir, chief of staff of the Israel Defense Forces, reportedly opposed it.
Unfortunately, Netanyahu will have none of it. Instead, on Thursday he announced the complete occupation of Gaza, which is clearly a prelude to the annexation of both the Strip and, most likely, the West Bank as well.
Netanyahu’s extremist far-right ministers have been pushing such policies for months. They envisage the eviction of all Gazans from their land, an act no different than Serbia’s violent attempt at ethnic cleansing during the 1990s Balkan conflict.
The international reaction to the Cabinet decision is sure to be harsh. Washington may block any U.N. Security Council resolution condemning Israel, though even that outcome is far from assured. However, Britain, Canada and many members of the EU, perhaps with the exception of Germany, will likely impose economic sanctions against the Jewish State.
Israel’s economy is already hurting from its nearly two-year-old war; sanctions could cripple it. As defense analyst Andrew Davidson points out, Israel’s military, with its small active force and heavy reliance on reserves, is structured for a short war, not a long conflict. Given the length of the war with Hamas, as well as ongoing demands for patrolling the country’s northern border against Hezbollah, the strains on the country’s reserve forces are weakening the human resources that are critical to Israel’s economy.
Netanyahu and his right-wing henchmen are playing Russian roulette with their country’s welfare. They must be stopped. If more international pressure is needed to make that happen, so be it.
Dov S. Zakheim is a senior adviser at the Center for Strategic and International Studies and vice chairman of the board for the Foreign Policy Research Institute. He was undersecretary of Defense (comptroller) and chief financial officer for the Department of Defense from 2001 to 2004 and a deputy undersecretary of Defense from 1985 to 1987.
